The Borderlands of Kumaon Himalayas:Impact of Geopolitical Location on the Livelihoods of the Rung Community
By
Chinmaya Shah
* The names of all persons quoted and their villages have not been mentioned in the article.
Rungs of Darma Valley
The upper river valley regions in the Himalayan state of Uttarakhand is inhabited by several ethnic communities bordering Himachal Pradesh at one end to the tri-junction region between India, Nepal, and Tibet on the other. These include Jadhs of the Nelong & Jadung valley of Uttarkashi and Rongpas which include Marchha and Tolchas of the Niti & Mana valley of Chamoli district. In the Pithoragarh district, the Shaukas largely inhabit the Johar valley along with the Rungs in the Darma, Chaudas, and Vyans valley and some neighboring regions in Nepal. These valleys are around seven rivers namely Bhagirathi, Alaknanda, Dhauli Ganga, Gori ganga, Darma, Kali, and Kuti Yankti falling in the frontiers between India and Tibet. The communities belonging to different river valley regions have been collectively categorized under the so-called colonial administrative term ‘Bhotia’ which is largely generic and does not signify any indigenous meaning. The upper Himalayan valleys bordering Tibet was earlier referred to as ‘Bhot Pradesh’. While people of seven river valleys do not constitute a single ethnically or linguistically homogeneous tribe, there are however commonalities in terms of lifestyle and several socio-cultural and economic matters in the past. They primarily have Mongoloid features along with occasional Aryan and Aboriginal traits as well.
The Rungs of the Darma valley in Pithoragarh follow their traditional practice and move upwards to their settlements with their livestock during the summer months. The old houses that have been closed all across winter are cleaned and gradually repaired due to damage done by heavy snow or by the Himalayan Bear that would at times break and enter through the roof/ windows during harsh winter months in search of food. With every other member of the village returning from their winter settlements in Dharchula and Munsiyari by mid-April, the locals would move further upwards to their village meadows and beyond in search of the gold ‘Keeda Jadi’ (Ophiocordyceps sinensis) highly valued aphrodisiac commonly known as “Himalayan Viagra”. It is collected from meadows at altitudes between 3000 m to 5000 m in the month of May-June each year, later on, it would fetch high monetary value in the International market, passing through the long chain from harvester in meadows to customers all over the world.
The Rungs of Kumaon region had traditionally been a major trading community as they inhabited the historic trade route between India and the Tibetan Highlands. Since ages, salt, wool, wheat, rice, sugar, brassware, etc. were primarily used as tradable commodities with their counterparts. The family’s wealth constituted with the number of sheep, goats, Dzo locally called jhuppus (a hybrid of a cow and a yak.) mules, horses, and Himalayan Mastiffs that one possessed. The trade would continue with their Tibetan counterparts at Taklakot during mid-year when Lipulekh pass would become accessible after the melting of snow. The remaining goods were then sold in the markets of Dharchula and Bageshwar. A large number of sheep would not only contribute with their wool but could easily carry about 20 kg of load on their back thus being small but effective carriers. With the arrival of the Britishers, the products produced in the plains became a part of the gradually spreading economy of British India. Traders from the community from across valleys of Johar, Darma, Vyans, and Chaudas would travel further southwards to the ̳Terai and ̳Bhabhar to big market towns like Dehradun, Kotdwar and Tanakpur.
Turning Points
However, events at the geopolitical level such as the Sino- Indian War of 1962 halted the traditional livelihood, thereby, impacting two-thirds of the population that was entirely dependent on the income from trans-Himalayan trade. The transhumant lifestyle which maintained trade relations were badly affected. A large section of professions of the subsistence economy such as sheep rearing, wool industry, and crop cultivation were badly disrupted. Meanwhile, the community was given a Scheduled Tribe status in 1967. The entry of government institutions, initiation of rural development plans, and implementation of an enlarged administrative structure in the upper valleys resulted in a simultaneous change of livelihood. Traditional traders, weavers, and shepherds in the community took up jobs of daily laborers, local contractors, government services, agriculture, and business. The establishment of Indo- Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) after the 1962 war simultaneously provided jobs in the defense sector.
However, by the 90s, the demand for a locally available medicinal fungus caught everyone’s attention at the international level. A caterpillar fungus known as Keeda Jadi, holding a great economic value to the local inhabitants, topped the collection. Also referred to as Yartsa Gumbu, it is one of the most famous and perhaps the most expensive insect fungal species in the world found in the Himalayas and the Tibetan plateau. In China, it is referred to as ‘Dong Chong Xia Cao‘. At present, it is mainly found at higher regions of Uttarakhand in the alpine meadows of Darma-Vyans valleys, Chiplakedar, Nangnidhura, and Ralamdhura of Kumaon region and the Niti-Mana valleys of Garhwal region. It has been therapeutically used to strengthen lung and kidneys, to increase energy and vitality, and stop the hemorrhage.
The “Keeda Jadi” Rush
The origin of Keeda Jadi can be traced not more than 20-25 years back in the early 1990s. It was credited to Mr. Lal Singh Khampa who brought the first specimen in the areas. The Nepali men accompanying him marked out territories where the presence of Keeda Jadi was available. Eventually, the local community members also became aware of the high value of the fungus and started engaging in its collection. Moreover, it is the same period when the rise in the demand of the caterpillar fungus was first noticed in 1993 at the World Athletics Championship in which Chinese athletes had set new world records. It was said that Keeda Jadi was consumed as a natural performance-enhancing drug by them.
Nisha (name changed) from the villages of Darma valley is one of many people who share her experience of getting benefited from Keeda Jadi. During season time, she works as a guide for tourists taking them to high altitude treks in the region. She says that “the flow of income has not only facilitated me in achieving a better standard of living but also has given an option to choose thus increasing our purchasing power.” She further adds, “money received has helped many people to purchase a phone, jewelry or television for themselves.”
Nisha (name changed) from the villages of Darma valley is one of many people who share her experience of getting benefited from Keeda Jadi. During season time, she works as a guide for tourists taking them to high altitude treks in the region. She says that “the flow of income has not only facilitated me in achieving a better standard of living but also has given an option to choose thus increasing our purchasing power.” She further adds, “money received has helped many people to purchase a phone, jewelry or television for themselves.”
At present, with the rising demand, the rates are decided by the ‘thekedars’ who visit the villages for collection. With Dharchula being the center of medicinal trade, there exists a lack of regulation at the Indo- Nepal border. Furthermore, prices offered by the legal auction system by the Forest Dept. are far too low than the market price thus resulting in trafficking. As of now, with herbs being placed in IUCN’s red list of vulnerable species, it has not been put by the Indian government on its negative list of export nor has any legislation been passed. In trade, China accounts for nearly 95% of the total production (83 to 183 tons annually), Nepal (around 3 tons) followed by India ( 1.7 to 2.8 tons), and Bhutan ( 0.5 to 1.5 tons). However, for locals in the Darma valley, it is an attractive source of earning money as the returns are high for collection done over 1- 2 months.
During the meetings at the villages in Darma Valley, the locals told that the collection is more about a ‘source of income’ and ‘easy money’ that is surrounded by ‘insecurity regarding one’s job’. This is perhaps due to the decreasing availability of the fungus in recent years along with legal restrictions and punishments with the trade. Its collection has ‘improved the standard of living’ for locals but has been lucrative as ‘there is hardly any govt. schemes or jobs’ in the area. With many moving into service sector jobs outside the valley, those remained in the village say that the collection is done ‘to provide a better future for their children’.
During the meetings at the villages in Darma Valley, the locals told that the collection is more about a ‘source of income’ and ‘easy money’ that is surrounded by ‘insecurity regarding one’s job’. This is perhaps due to the decreasing availability of the fungus in recent years along with legal restrictions and punishments with the trade. Its collection has ‘improved the standard of living’ for locals but has been lucrative as ‘there is hardly any govt. schemes or jobs’ in the area. With many moving into service sector jobs outside the valley, those remained in the village say that the collection is done ‘to provide a better future for their children’.
Every year around May- June, the fungus collection starts with every village deciding a fixed date for entry to the high altitude meadows. Those found breaking these regulations before the given date is liable to pay a bounty. The villagers fiercely guard their claim on Bugayls (Meadows), sometimes even resulting in disputes with neighboring villages. With having porous borders between India and Nepal, Keeda Jadi is at times transported across the international mountain routes to avoid check posts established by the Forest Dept. The collected herb is then transported to Kathmandu after paying a royalty making the trade immune to administrative hassle in the Nepal side. From Kathmandu, it is then supplied to Hong Kong wherein it is then sold to pharmaceutical companies and online retailers (Oral narrative by villagers ).
However, in the global demand of the highly-priced medicinal fungus, the primary collectors at the village level often find themselves alienated from the larger profits. It is difficult for a family to collect a kilo of caterpillar fungus these days due to uneven geographical distribution, scarcity of resources, and the effect of climate change. Therefore, when the profit is divided among villagers, the per-family distribution of wealth gets reduced. Moreover, Keeda Jadi collection involves heavy labor in the cold Himalayan Mountains. This price paid for the fungus doesn’t involve the cost of tents, taking rations to meadows to continue collection, medical checkups, injuries due wildlife attacks, and risk of working in such Himalayan terrain. For an average price of Rs. 10-20 lakh in the international market, villagers are paid only Rs. 500 for a single piece of graded and cleaned fungus. This difference shows value fixation is not done by the collector but those at the end of the supply chain thus negating the efforts and labor of the individual/ family.
Loss of Identity Vs Better Life?
The Rung community of Darma valley and surrounding regions have been able to adjust their livelihood with the ever-changing geopolitical events and natural resources in the form of “Keeda Jadi”, gradually leaving their historical identity as a trader as well as a pastoral community of the high reaches. The effect of Cordyceps collection has been also observed in the livelihood of transhumance communities in Garhwal Himalaya , Yak herding practices in Bhutan as well as Sheepherding communities in Qinghai, China where they are witnessing the gradual extinction of the age-old tradition. In recent times, construction of roads in the high altitude Kumaon valleys, the opening of the road to the Lipulekh pass in the neighboring Vyans valley for trade and religious tourism by the Indian government. The contestation of the Kalapani area with Nepal is likely to bring more challenges as well as opportunities for these border regions and the community. However, rapid exploitation, ecological effects, unaccountable trade, and growing dependency of the mountain communities have been growing concerns associated with Keeda Jadi across the regions. One possible solution is to lift the ban from this Minor Forest Produce in India to avoid the source of conflict between the government. and locals. Several contextual measures in other regions such as Tibet, Nepal, and Bhutan have been undertaken by mountain communities. However, its feasibility, implementation, and utilization need to be understood and initiated by the community itself whose existence has evolved with the larger ecology of these regions. Moreover, the people living in the Himalayan valleys are bound with a complex cross border network of social, cultural, and economic relations that have formed based on their geopolitical location. It is therefore needed to put the community back at the center and give them the rights to decide for themselves. Let the ones who once walked mountains reclaim their spaces.
Link to the detailed chapter on the rungs in recently published book ' Land, Words & Resilient Cultures: The Ontological basis of Tribal Identity'.
Note: The study was a part of author's research thesis at Tata Institute of Social Sciences ( TISS), Mumbai as a student of Masters in Social Work with specialization in Dalit and Tribal Studies in 2015-17.
Acknowledgment: The author would sincerely like to thanks all the community members hosting and assisting him during the study in Darma valley. This research would not have been possible without the inputs given by local residents in the valley and Dharchula who shared their experiences in Keeda Jadi collection, allowed and introduced him to local culture, traditions and geography. It is with their guidance and knowledge that helped him understand the subject matter. Special thanks to Mr. Yogesh Garbiyal (Mountaineer), Mr. Harish Dharmsaktu (Writer) along with friends from Niti-Mana and Johar valley for their timely contributions and corrections.
Image Credits : Chinmaya Shah unless specifically mentioned
Image Credits : Chinmaya Shah unless specifically mentioned
01/08/2020
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Chinmaya Shah | Researcher |
A native to the hill state of Uttarakhand, he is a Literature graduate from the University of Delhi and holds a post-graduate degree in Social Work from Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. He is currently working with a non- profit in the Garhwal Himalayas on sustainable agriculture and livelihood development. The project is funded by the MOEF&CC, Govt. of India under the National Mission on Himalayan Studies (NMHS) and is currently being implemented in the Dudhatoli catchment region of the river Ramganga (W). His interest largely involves developmental issues concerning Uttarakhand Himalayas and in the region's rich cultural history, music and literature.
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